Tuesday, June 4, 2013

Book Review: Che in Paona Bazaar

Thriving against odds

The North-East India has never been part of the mainstream narrative or development discourse in India. Ridden with armed conflicts over the years it has been treated like an imaginary flotsam. But senior journalist Kishlay Bhattacharjee tries to break this mindset through his new book. He asserts that North-East India is not an imagined community separated from the policies that govern the rest of the country. Che in Paona Bazaar: Tales of Exile and Belonging from India’s North East explores the landscape of distant corners of the region and dwells upon the life of ordinary men and women to capture their experiences. In his 17 years as a TV journalist, Bhattacharjee first gave voice to their stories. Now he has done this with words over 241 pages.

Why did he write this book? Bhattacharjee understands how media struggles to tell their stories. Bhattacharjee admits that he too struggled to represent the voice of the people there because it would be one story in weeks and he felt it was inadequate. So he decided the book has to be in the voices of those people and the author alone. “In my long years of interaction with the people of North East, I’ve felt  they could neither speak the truth of their experience nor even make it hear through the mainstream Indian media. This is an attempt to make readers interact with the real people and not imagined communities.”

However, the book is limited to certain areas in the region - Manipur, Guwahati and Shillong. But it is Manipur’s music, dance, food and the stories of its people that dominate the book.

Employing a fragmented narrative structure, Bhattacharjee chooses to tell the story through a young female protagonist, Eshei-part real and part fictional character. According to the author, she embodies the experiences of growing up, navigating through youth, love and loss amid conflict but is also faced with the universal trials of everyday reality.

Realising that conflicts make for interesting stories, Bhattacharjee weaves the story of Eshei growing up in an almost dysfunctional society and how she comes to terms with the baggage of violence and sessionism.

Employing the power of the interview to reveal, Bhattacharjee succeeds in tapping a cross-section of people and in each of them found “a courageous willingness to reopen wounds which they had hidden, sometimes even from themselves”. The book is full of these interactions.

As for the title, Che Guevara is the most popular face in Paona Bazaar, the author says. The market has almost everything in store for anyone – umbrellas for as low as Rs 50, Levi’s canvases for Rs 100, high-quality pirated Hollywood films and music videos for as cheap as Rs 35 and colourful blankets.“Ironically the red armies of Manipur haven’t quite adopted him, so thanks to a global fashion statement, Che became young Manipur’s icon years before his global demand.

“Chinese manufacturers have imprinted his face on virtually everything. I found a calendar with garam masala sachets hanging from the month of December in a rundown tea shop which had Che Guevara images. Badges with Che’s face are available in the most unlikely of places, such as an HIV drop-in centre,” Bhattacharjee writes.

“Even Fat James’ restaurant in Churachandpur has a Che face painted on the guitar standing in one corner for anyone to pick up and strum.”

Poana Bazaar in the title is traced to Poanam Nawal Singh, a  Major in the Manipur Army who refused surrender to the British forces.
Despite being an outsider, Bhattacharjee, a Bengali brought up in Shillong, is able to bring out the local cuisine, music, their history or even their biases in great detail. Also funny incidents involving bhoot jolokia also finds mention in the book.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles
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ExecutiveMBA

Monday, June 3, 2013

Live and let die

Why should farmer deaths cause a ripple unless the state rushes in to wipe their tears?

Ask any Congress worker who is Kalawati Bandurkar. The chances are that he will say she is the poor farm widow from Yavatmal district of Vidarbha whose husband Parshuram had committed suicide on December 23, 2005 because of the agrarian crisis. He will remember this woman because the Congress Vice President Rahul Gandhi had mentioned her name in the Lok Sabha in 2008 after paying a visit to her house in Yavatmal to console her.

But ask the same Congressman who is  Savita Khamamkar or Sanjay Kalaskar, the chances are that he may draw a blank. Savita is Kalawati’s second daughter who committed suicide in 2011 by dousing herself with kerosene and Sanjay Kalaskar is the husband of her sixth daughter Papita who committed suicide in 2010 because he could not repay the loans which he had taken from the banks for farming and purchasing an autorickshaw. Savita took this extreme step when she realised that her agricultural land did not yeild anything and that her husband Diwakar faced the prospect of defaulting on a loan. Sanjay Kalaskar ended his life for the same reason – debt.

Excuse the politicians if they only remember the name  of Kalawati Bandurkar. Why would death of farmers in Vidarbha make news unless the State rushes in to wipe their tears? In fact, in Vidarbha death of farmer is not news. It is just plain statistics. Suicides among farmers like these in Vidarbha are not isolated cases but have been preceded by many such incidences in the past and are happening in the present.

According to Kalawati, Savita was suffering from stomach ulcer and was not keeping well. Her husband borrowed money from banks and other people but was unable to repay the loan because of the ongoing agrarian crisis. The anxiety of the fallout of a loan default and the fear of the consequence prompted her to end her life.
“I always tried to help my daughters and sons-in-law through my limited resources. But it seems no one in the region is able to cope up with the agrarian crisis which has assumed gigantic proportions,” she adds.

The former Sarpanch of Seoni village in Yavatmal district and a farmer leader of the area Mohan Jadhav claims that on an average three farmers commit suicide every 24 hours in Vidarbha because of agrarian crisis. He blames the government for its apathy. “If the government wants to prevent farmer suicides, the least it could do is to come out with a food security programme for all the distressed farmers of Vidarbha and waive all the crop loans to them ensuring that the defaulters get fresh loans next season.” It might be noted here that the former President of the BJP Nitin Gadkari belongs to the Vidarbha region and was forced to step down because of allegations of financial impropriety. In his defence, Gadkari has maintained that it was his mission to transform the lives of farmers in Vidarbha and stop the step motherly treatment being meted out to them by politicians from other regions of the state. Of course, while politicians trade allegations, the farmers continue their march towards penury and starvation.

Kishore Tiwari of Vidarbha Janandolan Samiti, which has been documenting farmers suicides in the region since 2001, squarely blames the government for the problems of farmers. He says government has failed to bail out the crisis-ridden farmers in Vidarbha region. “The relief packages hardly had any effect among the farmers as susbtantial amount of funds were siphoned off by the ruling politicians,” he alleges. According to Tiwari around 12,000 farmers have killed themselves in Maharashtra since 2001, a majority of them from Vidarbha and Marathwada. The most suicide-prone districts of Vidarbha are Amravati, Yavatmal, Buldhana, Akola, Washim and Wardha.

Noted  agro-economist Dr. Srinivas Khadewale says that crop failure and loan burden from banks and private money lenders are two important factors that are responsible for pushing the farmers to the edge. “In addition to this the cotton growers in the region did not get a good support price for their raw cotton this year and the production was also meagre because of scanty rainfall, " he says.

According to him, the government should provide food security and employment to the farmers under the national rural employment scheme immediately to prevent suicides. The former Shetkari Sangathana President Vijay Jawandhia points out that the farmers are not getting remunerative prices for their agriculture produce while the agro-input costs have shot up in the recent past. The guarantee price of raw cotton was fixed at Rs 3,850 per quintal while the cost of production was around Rs 4,200. “How can the farmers cope up with such a situation with such meagre remunerative price?” he queries. He says “besides maximum agricultural land is non-irrigated. Hardly 11 percent areas in the region are irrigated and crop failure because of scanty rainfall is very high in the area.”
 
The tragedy for Maharashtra is that the agrarian crisis has now spread beyond Vidarbha to all parts of the state. Many analysts reckon that the state is facing its worst drought in more than 40 years. What is astonishing is how the lack of rains has exposed the hollow claims of Maharashtra politicians and bureaucrats that the state has invested heavily in irrigation. Over the last decade and a half, it is estimated that more than Rs 80,000 crore has been allocated to shore up irrigation facilities in the state. But the sordid fact is that most of that money seems to have been siphoned away by vested interests. You might recall that there was a huge uproar a while back over the so-called irrigation scam. The nephew of Sharad Pawar and the Deputy Chief Minister of the state Ajit Pawar, who has been handling the irrigation ministry for more than a decade, was compelled to resign from the cabinet over allegations of corruption. But then the government presented a white paper that absolved all politicians of any wrong doing and the junior Pawar is back in the cabinet. Many mainstream media outlets including news channels, newspapers and magazines have highlighted the scam and the acute distress being faced by farmers in Maharashtra. Nothing much has happened. The Marathwada region, dominated by politicians like Sharad Pawar, is as badly hit as Vidarbha.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles
2012 : DNA National B-School Survey 2012
Ranked 1st in International Exposure (ahead of all the IIMs)
Ranked 6th Overall

Zee Business Best B-School Survey 2012
Prof. Arindam Chaudhuri’s Session at IMA Indore
IIPM IN FINANCIAL TIMES, UK. FEATURE OF THE WEEK
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Saturday, June 1, 2013

Paresh holds the key

The fifth round of tripartite talks promises some hope in Assam but key issues remain unresolved, reports Dulal Misra

Kindling hopes of hammering out a peace settlement in the immediate foreseeable future, the fifth round of tripartite talks between Assam, the Central government and rebel ULFA on March 7 at North Block, were described as 'fruitful.' Terror-shackled Assam could do with some peace, and some hope, however tenuous, has arisen.

Till now, four rounds of such dialogue have largely meandered without any visible sense of direction, the last of them having been held in June 2012 where the pro-dialogue ULFA leaders reiterated their common charter of demands, the most significant of them being a constitutional amendment to protect the political and economic rights of the indigenous people of Assam so that locals get to control the state's natural resources.

In addition, the agitators want a status sheet of missing ULFA leaders and cadres during security operations in Bhutan, 2005. The seven-member ULFA delegation was led by ULFA chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa and the centre was represented by Union Home Secretary R K Singh and Joint Secretary Home Ministry Shambhu Singh. The Assam government was represented by state Chief Secretary Naba Kumar Das and Home Commissioner Sailesh. Central interlocutor P C Halder was also present.

The main point is this: what consensus have the hour-long talks arrived at? As ever, while there was agreement on all sides that peace be established at any cost, there appeared to be no consensus on how to get there. While Rajkhowa sought necessary steps to amend the Constitution of India, the Home Secretary indicated that constitutional amendments like the ones demanded by the ULFA were a big ticket call but that the government will take all steps necessary to solve problems faced by indigenous Assamese.

Clearly, the sorest point of the negotiations remain the status of the ULFA faction led by Commander-in-Chief Paresh Barua, who is opposed to any dialogue with the government and is currently estimated to operate out of the dense forests of Myanmar. Barua says there cannot be any talks if the issue of sovereignty is not put on the table. His hard stand and absence from the scene ensures that the peace talks will be held ransom to illogical and unreasonable demands – and without a cogent end.

Pro-talk ULFA member Diganta Phukan says he is watching. "The talk process has moved in the right direction. But I am not too hopeful about the outcome. One ULFA faction still operates under the open skies of Myanmar. The Indian government and army can't do much as international laws bar any Indian military action against Paresh Baruah in Myanmarese territory. Barua is taking advantage by continuing his ‘struggle’ from that country. This is the great bottleneck in the peace process. I think the Indian government should first convince Paresh Barua to come to the table to ensure a solution of the three-decade-long insurgency in Assam," he told TSI.

Concurs senior journalist Hilloljyoti Bhitoruwal Phukan, "The peace process with ULFA is going in the right direction but I doubt if it can ensure a permanent solution to insurgency in Assam. It the government fails to bring Paresh Barua for talks, the peace process will not be a complete one."

Some hope has also come from Rajkhowa's statement earlier this month that ULFA general secretary Anup Chetia alias Golap Barua may also join the tripartite talks. Chetia has for years made Bangladesh the launching pads of his operations against India. He was arrested in 1997 on charges of illegally staying in Bangladesh, possessing forged passports and foreign currency. After ending his prison term in 2004, he has sought political asylum in Bangladesh. Since then, India has unsuccessfully asked the Bangladeshi government to hand him over at several bilateral meetings, but now with a friendly government in Dhaka, things could be changing.

The Union government's record of conducting peace talks with insurgent groups in North-East India has been patchy. For instance, peace talks with Naga extremist group NSCN (IM) has not made any significant breakthrough despite more than 12 rounds of discussions.

Social activist Prasanta Baruah, told TSI that the "Centre has not taken the problem of insurgency in Assam seriously. The ULFA problem is three-decades old. First the government used military force. That has created more complications. Delhi should find out the root cause of insurgency. It is clear that economic backwardness is the root cause of dissatisfaction of the people of the North East. That needs to be tackled. In the peace process, Paresh Barua is the main hurdle. He is stuck on issue of sovereignty of Assam. But it is an unrealistic dream. History says that no sovereign state was formed with an unorganized and scattered armed revolution. According to my view, ULFA is now an unorganized organization which has a number of factions."


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles
2012 : DNA National B-School Survey 2012
Ranked 1st in International Exposure (ahead of all the IIMs)
Ranked 6th Overall

Zee Business Best B-School Survey 2012
Prof. Arindam Chaudhuri’s Session at IMA Indore
IIPM IN FINANCIAL TIMES, UK. FEATURE OF THE WEEK
IIPM strong hold on Placement : 10000 Students Placed in last 5 year
BBA Management Education